Friday, 8 December 2017

Biafra: Return my mother’s boxes of wrapper you took away – Kanu urges army, police


​Family of the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu, has once more urged the Nigerian Army to return the property its personnel allegedly carted away from their home at Afaraukwu, Umuahia, Abia State.

Soldiers, under the Operation Python Dance II, on September 14 and October 8, raided the home of the IPOB leader.

The family listed television sets, generating sets and two boxes filled with wrapper, belonging to the matriarch of the family, to include items carted away by the army.

The army and police spokespersons had, however, denied the allegation.
Nnamdi Kanu’s family on Thursday maintained their ground that the invading soldiers and policemen carted away their personal belongings and demanded they be returned.

Speaking on behalf of the family, Prince Emmanuel Kanu, Nnamdi Kanu’s younger brother told Sun that what was disturbing the family most was the boxes of wrapper belonging to their mother, which the soldiers made away with.

He said, “We have said this before and we will keep talking about it, of all that the soldiers and policemen took away when they invaded our home, the ones we are worried about most are the two boxes of wrapper belonging to our mother.

“What are they going to do with the old woman’s boxes of wrapper? If they do not return them together with other items they made away with, they must surely face God’s wrath.”

Kanu further claimed that apart from their mother’s belongings, the soldiers also desecrated their father’s palace by ransacking and taking every available thing that represents Igbo culture.

“What the army did is barbaric and despicable; taking our old parents’ belongings was the height of callousness, and we call on them to return those items without further delay or they will face the wrath of Chukwuokike Abiama,” he said.

JUST IN! How Nigerian Soldiers Raped Boko Haram survivors –New York Times

An American journalist has undertaken an investigation into the horrific details of how Nigerian Armed Forces under President
Buhari’s command raped girls as young as 13 years old who had fled Boko Haram terrorists and sought refuge in internally Displaced Persons camps.


NYTIMES journalist, Dionne Searcey, begins her article with this pitiful tale. The camp was supposed to be a refuge. Falmata’s life had been stolen by war ever since the sixth grade, when she was abducted from he home and raped repeatedly by Boko Haram’s fighters for the next three years. She finally escaped last spring, slipping into the bush while her captors slept. Fourteen years old and alone, she made it to a camp for victims of the war, and had just settled in for the night when she heard footsteps outside her tent.
A security officer’s voice instructed her to come out. Frightened, she obeyed. He took her to his quarters, she said, and raped her. Hours later, after she had returned to her tent, another officer arrived, she said. He raped her, too.
“The same day I was brought there, soldiers started coming to rape me,” Falmata said. “They did it one after another. I’m not even sure those two knew about each other.”
Rape has been a defining horror of the war with Boko Haram, which has consumed northeastern Nigeria for eight years and spread beyond its borders. At least 7,000 women and girls have endured Boko Haram’s sexual violence, the Unite Nations estimates. Militants kidnap and rape young girls, teenagers and women, handing them out as so-called brides who are sometimes passed from fighter to fighter.
But Nigerian security forces have also raped victims of the war, preying on the people they are assigned to protect. Dozens of cases of rape, sexual violence and sexual exploitation were reported in seven camps in Borno State last year alone, carried out by guards, camp officials, security officers and members of civilian vigilante groups, the United Nations says. More than a year ago, the Nigerian government pledged to investigate the allegations of rape in camps for people displaced by the war, saying that “these very distressing reports will not be taken lightly.”
But accounts of sexual assaults in the camps are still common, including from young girls who say they were raped by soldiers on many occasions.
“The soldiers would come and hold me so tight,” one 13-year-old girl said in an interview. She said she had been raped about 10 times this year at a camp in Maiduguri, the city at the center of the fight against Boko Haram, before running away for her own safety.
“At first none of us knew they were doing this,” said Hadiza, 18, “but then the stories started to spread around camp that anyone cooking for them would be raped.” “They were old enough to be my parents,” she said of the soldiers who raped her.
The Nigerian military has cleared parts of the countryside to hunt for Boko Haram’s hide-outs, forcing hundreds of thousands of civilians to move into huge settlements throughout northeastern Nigeria. Many other civilians have made it to the camps on their own after fleeing Boko Haram’s deadly assaults. Most of the camps are overflowing, with new arrivals every day. Food and water are often in short supply, residents say, and health workers are battling a cholera outbreak that has killed dozens. At night, the camps are dimly lit.
Aid workers come during the day, but typically not after sunset because of wartime curfews. Security forces tightly control who goes in and out of the camps, sometimes coercing women and girls to trade sex for food. Government officials say they need 24-hour security to protect the residents, especially since some of the camps are regular targets of suicide bombers deployed by Boko Haram. But in one camp, called Teachers Village, some residents said the security forces had worked out a system to select their victims. Young women were called to cook for them.
After the women finished, security officers insisted that they clean up, telling them to go bathe in the officers’ quarters as the men watched.
“At first none of us knew they were doing this, but then the stories started to spread around camp that anyone cooking for them would be raped,” said Hadiza, 18. After living in the camp for several weeks, Hadiza said, she was picked to cook for the officers. She was terrified.
“Definitely my time has come,” she recalled thinking. Later, she was asked to serve water to four security officers in their room as they dined. One by one they left, she said, until only one man remained. He dragged her into a separate room and raped her, she said.

Hadiza was injured, she said, but didn’t ask for medical care, fearing that the officers would seek revenge. She said she tried to keep a low profile for a couple of weeks, but officers spotted her and raped her again. She said she had been raped as many as 20 times in the camp.
“Once they identified you as a girl they wanted to have sex with, they would hardly leave you alone a single day,” Hadiza said. By spring, word of the rapes at Teachers Village camp had spread so widely across Maiduguri tha people began showing up at the gates to look fo missing relatives. Distant relatives arrived for Hadiza and took her away.
Last year, President Muhammadu Buhari called for an investigation into sexual assaults at the camps after Human Rights Watch detailed the abuse in a report, ordering new measures to protect the vulnerable. Security officers have received more training, and at least 100 female officers have been deployed inside the camps.
A a result, the number of complaints of sexual abuse has declined, according to some aid groups and the police. The police have arrested several men for sexually abusing and exploiting women and girls, according to the United States Embassy. The arrests, made last December, include two police officers, a prison warden, two civilian militia members, a civil servant and three soldiers. But an Army Special Board of Inquiry said in Jun that allegations against its soldiers at the camps were unfounded, while Jimoh Moshood, a police spokesman, said the investigations were continuing.
“Very little progress has been made by Nigerian authorities to implement President Buhari’s promise of justice for the survivors,” said Mausi Segun, the executive director of the Africa division of Human Rights Watch. “The delay reinforces displaced people’s sense of helplessness, and likely emboldens more perpetrators to prey on their vulnerability.”
In the war with Boko Haram, Nigerian security forces have been accused of many human rights abuses, including killing innocent civilians and detaining children for months to determine their loyalties.
At checkpoints to enter Maiduguri, soldiers and militia members have turned away large groups o displaced people fleeing Boko Haram, unless the can pay an “entrance fee,” aid workers say. People escaping with their herds are sometimes charged a fee for each animal. Those who can’t pay the bribes have been sent back into harm’s way.
Inside the camps, soldiers and members of civilian vigilante groups have been accused of forcing people to pay for the privilege of setting up tents or leaky shelters made of tarps and grass. Some displaced people told Amnesty International that they had to sell their belonging to survive, and when they ran out of things to sell, they had to have sex with soldiers and civilian militia members to get food.
Falmata, the 14-year-old kidnapped by Boko Haram, said her ordeal began when she was in primary school, enjoying her classwork and dancing to local Kanuri music. Militants stormed into her home and took her while she was caring for her sick mother. They forced her to marry a fighter, but that man died i battle a week later, so they gave her to another husband. She tried to resist, so they gave her a third. Barely a teenager by then, she became pregnant, she said, but the baby died days after he was born. One night, Falmata woke up and realized the whole camp was asleep. Now was the time, she thought.
She ran until she reached a village, finding an older woman with a lantern who pointed her to a road. Soldiers spotted her and took her to Dalori Camp, a sprawling site outside Maiduguri. She thought she was being delivered to safety — but immediately faced the same kind of sexual abuse she had risked her life to flee. And this time it was being committed by the people who were there to protect her.
During her two months at the camp, she said, security officers, not always the same men, came for her repeatedly. Falmata described the men as “soldiers,” but it was unclear if they were members of the military, the police or another security force. She said they carried weapons. “I felt it would continue forever,” she said of the abuse. She knew she had to flee, again, so she asked fo a pass to go to the market. She walked out of th camp the same way she had escaped Boko Haram: alone, with no money and no idea where she was going. As a little girl, she remembered, she had visited her grandmother once in Maiduguri, but she had only a vague idea where. Falmata spotted a man she had seen around the camp who spoke her dialect, and begged for help. “Look, I have a problem,” she told him.
“These people are going to kill me. They come to me every night.” The two drove around the city for hours, trying to track down Falmata’s grandmother, asking everyone. Eventually, they found her. She had thought Falmata was dead. Falmata now lives with her grandmother, but is too ashamed to tell her what happened. Someday, she hopes to continue her education and become a lawyer. She wants to represent th powerless.


Saturday, 2 December 2017

Nigerians & Ghanaians Run Libyan Slave Camps – Says Cameroonian Returnee



The new slave trade-human trafficking in Libya is being carried out by many nationalities, including Nigerians and Ghanaians, according to a Cameroonian returnee, who was abducted in the country.
Foka Fotsi, who was trafficked twice, told Reuters that those in charge of one of the places where he was held included Ghanaians and Nigerians. Fotsi story corroborated another testimony by a Nigerian in the southern state of Edo, who identified one Charles, a Nigerian as the trafficking kingpin.

Foka Fotsi- battered in a camp run by Nigerians and Ghanaians
Unable to find work to support his family, Fotsi decided to leave Cameroon last year, but fell into the hands of a Libyan kidnap ring before reaching Europe.

“There was torture like I’ve never seen. They hit you with wooden bats, with iron bars,” he said, removing the hood of his sweatshirt and showing the still raw red wounds on his skull.
“They hang you from the ceiling by (your) arms and legs and then throw you down to the floor. They swing you and throw you against the wall, over and over again, ten times.

“They are not human beings. They are the devil personified.” Christelle Timdi, another Cameroonian recounted her horrendous experience in the north African country.

Christelle Timdi, another Cameroonian recounted her horrendous experience in the north African country.
When uniformed men boarded the overloaded rubber dingy carrying her and her boyfriend to a new life in Europe, she thought the Italian coastguard had come to rescue them.

But the men took out guns and began to shoot. “Many people fell in the sea,” the 32-year-old Cameroonian said as she described seeing her boyfriend, Douglas, falling in the water and disappearing into the darkness.
The gunmen took Timdi and her fellow passengers back to Libya where they were locked up, raped, beaten and forced to make calls to their families back home for ransom payments to secure their freedom.
Timdi, who flew back to Cameroon last week, told her story as international outcry escalated over a video which appeared to show African migrants being traded as slaves in Libya. Libya’s U.N.-backed government has said it is investigating and has promised to bring the perpetrators to justice.
Timdi said she had not seen the footage broadcast by CNN, but had witnessed the trade in humans while in Libya.

“I saw it with my own eyes,” she said, describing how she had seen a Senegalese man buying an African migrant. Libya is the main jumping off point for migrants trying to reach Europe by boat.

Timdi said many traffickers posed as marine guards, police officers and taxi drivers to ensnare victims. There were around 130 other migrants on her boat when the gunmen opened fire in the middle of the night, Timdi said. After being taken back to Libya they were locked in an abandoned factory building where men would grab and rape the girls and women – and sometimes even the men.

Friday, 1 December 2017

Ikoyi Money: Fresh Twist as Union Bank Wades Into Ownership Of Building

Union Bank of Nigeria Plc on Thursday asked Justice Saliu Saidu of a Lagos Division of the Federal High Court to vacate
an interim order of forfeiture placed on Flat 7B Osborne Towers, Ikoyi, Lagos where the sums of $43,449,947, £27,800 and N23, 218,000 (about N13 billion) were discovered by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission ( EFCC ) on April 12, in iron cabinets and “Ghana-must-go” bags.

The judge had on November 9, made the order while granting an ex-parte application filed by the anti-graft agency. A firm, Chobe Ventures Limited, was joined as the respondent in the suit. Granting the ex-parte order, Mr. Saidu directed the EFCC to notify the respondent in whose possession the property was found to appear before him in a fortnight to show reason why it should not be permanently forfeited to the federal government.

The anti-graft agency was also directed to publicise the interim order in a national daily for the respondent or anyone interested in the property to show cause within two weeks why a final forfeiture order should not be made on the property. However, at the resumed hearing of the matter on Thursday, Union Bank through its lawyer, A. A. Aribisala, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, drew the court’s attention to an application seeking to vacate the interim order of forfeiture.

In an affidavit in support of the application deposed to by one, Alfred Olukayode Edun, the bank argued that the forfeited flat was part of the property situated at 16 Osborne Road, Ikoyi, Lagos , belonging to Adamu Muazu, by virtue of a certificate of occupancy dated 27th September 2009 and registered as 97/97/2009 in the Lands Registry Office, Alausa, Lagos.

The bank said Mr. Muazu, a former Bauchi State governor and former Chairman of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, had mortgaged the entire property to it by virtue of a Tripartite Deed of Legal Mortgage dated November 1, 2011, in order to secure a loan granted to his company, Tripple A Properties & Investment Ltd. The bank further claimed that the original title deed of the property had been vested in it while the loan is yet to be liquidated till date despite the fact that its tenor has expired. The bank further claimed it sold the property to Chobe Ventures Ltd to liquidate the loan. However, in its counter affidavit to the application, the EFCC argued that the bank lacks the ‘locus standi’ to challenge the forfeiture of property “reasonably suspected to have been acquired with proceeds of unlawful activities of Ambassador Ayo Oke and Mrs. Folashade Oke.”

SSANU, NASU, NAAT Resume strike on Monday Over N23 Billion Earned Allowance

Non academic staff unions in federal and state universities will on Monday, December 4, 2017 begin as indefinite strike
to protest the sharing formula of the N23billion released by the Federal Government to settle their earned allowances.

The decision to resume the suspended strike was taken at a crucial meeting of the Joint Action Committee (JAC) made up of Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU), Non Academic Staff Union (NASU) and National Association of Academic Technologists (NAAT) held in Abuja.
SSANU, NASU and NAAT members in some universities on Monday disrupted academic and administrative activities over the sharing formula adopted by the government in payment of the outstanding earned allowance.

In formula adopted by the federal government, the non academic staffs were allocated 11 per cent of the N23billion as against 89 per cent for academic staff in the universities.

In a joint letter singed by President of SSANU, Samson Uwoke, NAAT, Sani Suleiman and NASU, Chris Ani, urged members to resume the suspended indefinite strike as from 12midnight, Sunday, December 3.
The letter titled: ‘’Directive to immediately resume the suspended strike’’ informed branch chairmen that the strike should be total and comprehensive. JAC disclosed a protest letter was sent to the Minister of Education rejecting the allocation made by the office of the Permanent Secretary and based on that government was given seven days to explain criteria for the sharing formula.

According to JAC, the deadline for the protest letter elapsed without any response from the federal government thus the directive for members to resume the suspended strike. The Public Relations Officer of SSANU, Mr. Abdussobur Salaam, said all universities have the same problem of skewed and disproportionate allocation and described it as a national issue. He added: ‘’The UI and OAU reactions are spontaneous and unprompted. Not all the universities can react spontaneously to an injustice.’’

Eid-El-Maulud: Aisha Attacks Nigerian Government for Declaring Public Holiday


​The Convener of Bring Back Our Girls Group, Aisha Yesufu, has criticized the federal government of Nigeria for announcing public holiday to celebrate this year’s Eid-El-Maulud.

The BBOG convener described the holiday as wasteful and an act of competitive religiousity
Aisha urged the Buhari administration to focus on helping Nigerians than otherwise.
In her tweets, she wrote “Nigeria and our need for wasteful holidays. Which one is public holiday for Maulud? When did we start celebrating Maulud?

“When do we stop all this “competitive religiosity” and focus on doing good for humanity?
“The first Maulud to be a public holiday in Nigeria was declared for Monday, 9 March 2009 by Godwin Abbe, then minister of interior under Yar’Adua’s administration.”


Buhari’s Interference In CBN Operations Led To Recession – ex CBN Boss



A former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria , Prof. Kingsley Moghalu , on Thursday said the level of political interference by the FG in the operations of the apex bank was a major reason why the economy went into recession .


Moghalu , who is now the President , Institute for Governance and Economic Transformation , said this while delivering a paper at the Annual Directors ’ Conference organised by the Institute of Directors , Nigeria .
He spoke on the theme , ‘ Implementing best corporate governance practices in Nigeria ’ s public and private sectors ’ .

He noted that the level of political interference in the governance and activities of public sector corporations had robbed them of independence.

This , according to him , has left the institutions too weak to set and meet effective performance targets and focus on delivering real stakeholder value .

He stated , “ The central bank that was led by his royal highness (Emir of Kano , Muhammadu Sanusi II) is not what we are seeing today . We have seen a lot of interference in the work of the central bank and I say that that was a very important factor that led to the massive recession that we have experienced in this economy .

“ Corporate governance has very real consequences for our livelihood, for the quality of the economy and strength of the economy . ”
Moghalu said apart from political interference , the culture of patronage in the Nigerian public sector governance had led to such corporations being seen and utilised only as a reward system for partisan politics.

This , he argued , had left the institutions with little or no thought given to competence and performance of public corporations and their boards .

He said the apex bank , in its current form , lacked a board , adding that this was inimical to its operations .
Moghalu stated , “ The central bank , in the last few years, has not had a board . How is this possible that a central bank operates without a board ? So how is the corporate governance being run ? Is it just by the governor? Or is it by the governor and anyone who is not a member of the board ?
“ That is a question of the rule of law . The central bank Act is clear . It is one of the public corporations in this country that is very strong from the way it was conceptualised .

“ So you have a very clear role for the board . The President’ s approving authority comes up only in about three instances in the board . One is in investment , the second is in currency and the third is the auditors.
“ Most of the rest (approving authority ) lies in the board of directors and if the bank doesn ’ t have a board , I find it very problematic . ”

He cited the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation as another public corporation where massive financial obligations were being undertaken without board approval .
This , he noted, was not good corporate governance .
He said , “ The failure of corporate governance to take off in Nigeria’ s public sector is part of our country ’ s long -standing and continuing crisis of governance.

Nigerian citizens who are shareholders of a commercial company will demand accountability if those attributes are perceived to be absent , but they will not be as exercised by the failure of public corporations because they believe that these institutions exist to serve vested patronage interest rather than the public interest .

“ Examples include the evident and massive failures of corporate governance in the Niger Delta Commission and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. ”
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